Early Zionist activism

Liberal Zionism has its origins in both the Cultural Zionism of Ahad Ha'am and the Political Zionism of Theodor Herzl and Max Nordau. Ha'am argued for the creation of a Jewish homeland where Jews and Arabs would live as equal citizens and where Hebrew would become the main language, only calling for a Jewish state once the region had become culturally Jewish.^[7] Herzl, in his book Der Judenstaat, called for the immediate creation of a binational Jewish state. His secondary work Altneuland outlined a vision for a binational, German-speaking, Westernized Jewish state, undermining Jewish historical memory, traditional Arab culture, and Jewish supremacism.^[8][9] Both of these visions, while radically different in their desired outcomes, shared a similar commitment to racial equality through binationalism, liberal democracy, secularism, individualism, and capitalism.^[7][8][9] Notably, the two men differed on the issue of imperialism. Herzl, who was an assimilated Jew of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, looked fondly to imperialists such as Cecil Rhodes and hoped his new binational Jewish state would be a protectorate of the German Empire, something for which he personally petitioned Kaiser Wilhelm II to no avail.^[10] Ahad Ha'am, by contrast, had grown up in a Yiddish-speaking Chabadnik household the Russian Empire, and was highly disdainful towards imperial domination, as he had seen it first hand with Black Hundredist pogroms in his home city of Odesa, and didn't seek to repeat such methods used by Russian imperialists in Palestine.^[11]

While Herzl was the one to organize the First Zionist Congress, it was ultimately Ahad Ha'am's ideas which initially dominated the movement. Even within his own faction of the Zionist Congress, he was rejected for his Germanophilic ideas, with Chaim Weizmann breaking away to form the Democratic Fraction.^[12]

Mandatory Palestine

Following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the Middle Eastern theatre, the British and French forces in the region, along with their Sharifian allies, declared the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration. Not long after this, the British government issued the Balfour Declaration to support Zionist aspirations. The declaration specifically included protections for the rights of non-Jewish residents in the Palestine region, where "nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine".^[13] Soon afterwards, the Mandate for Palestine was given to Britain at the San Remo conference. During this time, Chaim Weizmann was attempting to negotiate a "Sharifian Solution" to divide the territories of Ottoman Syria between the Yishuv, King Faisal I, and the British Empire. While Weizmann and Faisal reached an agreement, this was nullified by a ban on secret treaties from the Paris Peace Conference ^[14]

British politician Herbert Samuel was appointed the first High Commissioner of Palestine. Himself a liberal Zionist, he also shared a concern towards the impacts Zionist settlement may have on Arab inhabitants, writing that he would "be ashamed... if it turned out that the establishment of a Jewish state involved injustice towards the Arabs".^[15] Thus, he sought to create a binational constitution for Mandatory Palestine. However, as a British Jew and a Zionist, he garnered distrust from Palestinian Arabs and disappointment from the leadership of the Yishuv.^[16][17]

It was during the Mandate period that liberal Zionism became politically active within the region. Following the passage of the Immigration Act of 1924 by the United States Congress, Jews started emigrating to Mandatory Palestine en mass. Previously, most Jews fleeing persecution, especially in the Russian Empire and during the Russian Civil War fled to the United States.^[18][19] However, with that pathway closed, and with the rising threat of fascism in Europe, Jewish refugees started fleeing to other places, mostly Palestine.^[20] These refugees were neither religious Zionists like World Mizrachi nor were they labor Zionists like Poale Zion or Hapoel Hatzair. Instead, most were middle class liberal non-Zionists or liberal Zionists.^[21] Thus, seeking to create a party to represent this constituency, Meir Dizengoff founded the General Zionists, a political party which would act as, at times, the main parliamentary opposition to the labor Zionist parties (Hapoel Hatzair and Ahdut HaAvoda before 1931 and Mapai after 1931) for the rest of the Mandate period.^[21][22][23]

With the growing number of Jews in Mandatory Palestine and the increasing tensions between Jews and Arabs, proposals for a binational Zionism became more forceful, especially as these tensions boiled over into intercommunal conflict. Philosopher Martin Buber wrote about the importance of accommodating Arab national aspirations within the region of Palestine, and proposed a binational state as a potential solution.^[24] He was joined by Arthur Ruppin, the founder of Tel Aviv, humanist philosopher Hugo Bergmann, historian of Kabbalah and philosopher Gershom Scholem, early Conservative Jewish pioneer and feminist Henrietta Szold, and, most notably, Reform Jewish rabbi Judah Leon Magnes to form Brit Shalom. Their solution to the growing conflict between Jews and Arabs was the creation of a federated state in which Jews and Arabs would live in their own cantons. This idea would become known as "Federal Zionism."^[25] While not particularly popular, especially after the Hebron massacre of 1929, they would continue to exist and even created their own political party, Ihud, in 1942.^[26]

Given the growing conflict between labor Zionists and revisionist Zionists over engagements with their British and Arab neighbors, liberal Zionists would remain a somewhat marginal force at this time. The General Zionists and their de facto leader, Chaim Weizmann, tended to lean towards more conciliatory measures with the British administration while seeking partition in relation to their Arab neighbors, thus putting them on the same side as their labor Zionist counterparts while rejecting the ardently nationalist claims of revisionist Zionists to "the whole land of Israel".^[21][27]

During the Fifth Aliyah, many anti-fascist German Jews fled to Mandatory Palestine in search of safety. With most of them being more left-leaning than the General Zionists, but not socialists like Mapai, they formed the New Aliyah Party to represent their interests, led by Pinchas Rosen.^[28] Unlike the classical liberal General Zionists, the New Aliyah Party were social liberals and progressives.^[29]

Israeli Independence

Upon Israeli independence in 1948, most liberal Zionists were highly supportive of this new Jewish state, which they believed is a guarantee for liberal values by fulfilling Jewish self-determination.^[30] Some, like Judah Leon Magnes and Martin Buber were critical of the methods used, including the expulsions of Palestinians, but accepted the Jewish state as a practical reality on the ground.^[16][17] Chaim Weizmann and Pinchas Rosen were both signatories of the Israeli Declaration of Independence, which proclaimed Israel to be a "Jewish and democratic state."^[28][31]

Liberal Zionists were split between the General Zionists, who opposed David Ben-Gurion's government, and Pinchas Rosen's new Progressive Party who supported it. Rosen was Israel's first Minister of Justice and repeatedly pushed for an Israeli constitution to no avail.^[28] At the same time, Chaim Weizmann, a stalwart member of the General Zionists, also served as the first President of Israel from independence in 1948 until his death in 1952.^[31]

During this time period, the Progressive Party still represented the Yekke German Jews who were part of the Fifth Aliyah while the General Zionists still tended to represent the middle class.^[28][31] In 1961, Rosen and Peretz Bernstein, leader of the General Zionists and another signatory of the Israeli Declaration of Independence, united their two parties to form the Israeli Liberal Party. However, by 1964, the right-leaning faction of the party was becoming dominant, seeking an alliance with the ardently right-wing Herut.^[32] In 1965, right-leaning liberal Zionists from the Liberal Party and revisionist Zionists from Herut formed a new party called Gahal, leaving Rosen dismayed and causing him to break away to form a new party, the Independent Liberals.^[33][34]

Six-Day War

Following the Six day war, liberal Zionists became critical of the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories since 1967 while also promoting the idea of a Jewish state as a necessity. In this vein, liberal Zionism sees Zionist and Israeli activity before 1967, such as the 1948 Palestine war and the resulting Palestinan expulsion and flight as a necessity.^[35]

Following a series of corruption scandals relating to the Israeli Labor Party, such as the Dollar Account affair and the Yadlin affair, a new dissident political party, Democratic Movement for Change, formed by Israel Defence Forces Aluf and archeologist Yigael Yadin.^[36] The party would come to power as part of the "Revolution" of 1977, when Likud entered government for the first time ever; Yadlin would serve as IDF Chief of Staff and Deputy Prime Minister from 1977 to 1981. Yadlin used his position to attempt to block settlements in the West Bank.^[36] He retired from politics out of disgust for Chief of Staff and far-right politician Rafael Eitan and a sense of disillusionment with the Begin government and disbanded the Democratic Movement for Change.^[36]

Shinui was founded by Knesset member Amnon Rubinstein, who was one of Yadlin's disciples, alongside journalist Tommy Lapid as a breakaway from the Democratic Movement for Change. It became the main party to promote free market economics, secularism, and fighting corruption. It was also one of the first parties to actively support peace with the Palestinians and LGBTQ+ rights in Israel.^[37][38]

During the 2000s, Kadima was the main centrist party, which had split from Likud and is now defunct. The party's platform identified with many of the fundamental policies of Liberal Zionist ideology, advocating among other things the need for Palestinian statehood (Two-state solution) in order to form a more democratic society in Israel, affirming the free market, and calling for equal rights for Arab citizens of Israel.^[39]

Judicial reform protests

During the Premiership of Benjamin Netanyahu, liberal Zionists gradually took the place of the labor Zionists as the largest opposition force. In 2012, news anchor Yair Lapid, the son of Tommy Lapid, founded liberal Zionist, secular, and centrist party Yesh Atid, which had became the second largest party in the Knesset following the 2013 Israeli legislative election. While it lost its status as the main opposition party in the 2015 Israeli legislative election, this was in part due to a two coalitions of multiple parties collectively pulling ahead of Yesh Atid.^[40]

During the 2018–2022 Israeli political crisis, Israel would hold five separate elections between April 2019 and 2022, with the main contenders being between right-wing parties and liberal Zionist parties. During this time, Yesh Atid remained active, though a new candidate, Benny Gantz, along with his Blue and White party would become the leading figures of the Israeli liberal opposition.^[41][42] This would be until 2020, when, in an attempt to resolve the Israeli political crisis and deal with the COVID-19 pandemic, he formed a unity government with Netanyahu, leading to the 2021 election.^[43] Following this, Yesh Atid returned to being the main opposition party in the Knesset.^[44][45][46]

This period in Israeli politics was marked by constant protests by liberal Zionists. Since the 2023 Israeli judicial reform, many liberal Zionists have participated in widespread protests with calls for civil disobedience, including many reservists such as Brothers and Sisters in Arms refusing to show up for duty under the Netanyahu government.^[47][48] During the Gaza war liberal Zionists protested the Netanyahu government, calling for a ceasefire in order to return Israeli hostages kidnapped by Hamas on October 7th.^[49][50][51]

United States

Most American Jews have, since the Progressive Era, been supportive of Zionism and, since the New Deal, most have been supportive of modern liberalism.^{[52][53][54][55][56][57]} Figures such as progressive Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis were important in promoting the Zionist movement in the United States, as well as Americanizing it for Jewish American tastes and political preferences.^[58] One feature which seemingly defined American Zionism was its willingness to be combative with Israeli Zionism, such as Brandeis' rivalry with Chaim Weizmann or the general Jewish American opposition to David Ben-Gurion and Benjamin Netanyahu, while still broadly defending Israel's right to exist as a Jewish and democratic state.^[58][59][60]

South Africa

South African Jews were historically disproportionately involved in anti-apartheid activism.^[101][102] South African Jewry has also been highly supportive of the State of Israel.^{[103][104][105][106]} Historically, there has been a long history of Jewish students being involved in the anti-apartheid National Union of South African Students and related Students' Representative Councils while simultaneously being involved in Zionist youth movements.^[107]

Other places

The Union of Reform Judaism in the United States is part of the World Union for Progressive Judaism. While Reform Zionism is mostly an American Jewish idea, the WUPJ's other branches in the United Kingdom, South Africa, Oceania, Germany, the Netherlands, among many others are also all broadly Reform Zionist in orientation.^[124]

Palestinians

Palestinian writer Nur Masalha criticized Liberal Zionist intellectuals such as Sternhell as a "liberal coloniser who promotes the myth of 'the clash of two rights and two justices'" by creating a "fallacy of balance and false symmetry between the colonised and the coloniser, between the indigenous and the European settler, between the ethnically cleansed and the ethnic cleanser". Masalha views supporters of Liberal Zionism as "always torn by the demands of Zionist patriotism and the need for human decency".^[125]

Jewish anti-Zionists

Jewish Voice for Peace is a left-wing Jewish organization which seeks to promote Jewish anti-Zionism and support Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions and the Palestinian right of return. According to JVP, "Zionism, in the words of its founders, is an explicitly “colonial” ideology...Zionism is a 19th century political ideology that claimed Jewish safety required a Jewish-only nation-state...Zionism has been used to justify massacres of Palestinians by the Israeli military, the destruction of villages and olive groves, and a military occupation that separates families with checkpoints and walls."^[126] They argue that "The political ideology of Zionism, regardless of which strain, has resulted in the establishment of a Jewish nation-state in the land of historic Palestine. In 1948, 750,000 Palestinians were expelled as part of that process, their homes and property confiscated. Despite recognition of their rights by the United Nations, their rights to return and be compensated have long been denied by the US and Israel. In 1967, Israel occupied what is now known as the Occupied Palestinian Territories, putting millions of people under military rule. Longstanding systemic inequalities privilege Jews over Palestinians inside Israel and in the Occupied Territories."^[127]

In October 2025, two years after the October 7 attacks, rabbi Shaul Magid explains that the "Zionist consensus" of liberal Zionism has "lost its hegemonic hold" as "the compatibility of 'liberalism' and 'Zionism' feels increasingly untenable".^[128]

Jewish Zionists

Meir Kahane was a radical, far-right Religious Zionist and Jewish nationalist who was highly critical of liberal Zionism, viewing it as a greater threat to the Jewish people than Palestinian nationalism.^[129] Kahane condemned what he saw as "Comfortable Jews", exemplified by liberal Zionists like Michael Lerner, which weakened the Jewish people's connection to their faith and identity.^[129] Kahane also distained the idea of a Jewish and democratic state, arguing that "democracy and Judaism are not the same thing" and instead favoring a theocratic Halachic state ruled by Jewish religious law.^[130]

Political parties

Non-governmental

• Peace Now
• J Street