Ilan Pappé, an Israeli historian, writes that the First Aliyah to Israel "established a society based on Jewish supremacy" within "settlement-cooperatives" that were owned and operated by Jews.[6]Joseph Massad, a professor of Arab studies, holds that "Jewish supremacism" has always been a "dominating principle" in religious and secular Zionism.[7][8]
In 2002, Massad said that Israel imposes a "Jewish supremacist system of discrimination" on Palestinian citizens of Israel, and that this has been normalized within the discourse on how to end the conflict, with various parties arguing that "it is pragmatic for Palestinians to accept to live in a Jewish supremacist state as third class citizens".[1][14]
In 2021, the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem classified the State of Israel as "a regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea" through laws amounting to apartheid. It also took note of the fact that, after it was established in 1989, it initially focused on the legal and social situation in the Israeli-occupied territories, but that "what happens in the Occupied Territories can no longer be treated as separate from the reality in the entire area under Israel’s control" because there "is one regime governing the entire area and the people living in it, based on a single organizing principle".[15]
Proponents of the one-state solution cite the development of Jewish supremacy as one of the main reasons for the necessity of a single country that applies democratic principles across all sectors of society, regardless of ethnic or religious affiliations.[17]
On 30 March 2026, the Knesset passed the Death Penalty for Terrorists Law, a measure that critics and legal experts have characterized as a tool of Jewish supremacism due to its discriminatory design.[22][23] Legal scholar Mordechai Kremnitzer[he] argued that the law represents a "severing [of] Israel's remaining humanistic and liberal values" and serves the agenda of Jewish extremist organizations by institutionalizing a regime that distinguishes between "Jewish blood and Palestinian blood".[23] The law specifically targets Palestinians through two mechanisms: it applies to military courts in the West Bank, where only Palestinians are tried, and it amends the Penal Code to define capital offenses as those intended to negate the existence of the State of Israel, a criterion critics say is tailored to exclude Jewish Israelis who commit nationalistic murders. The law has been called a move toward "unbridled extremism" that seeks to codify Jewish supremacy into the state's ultimate punitive power.[22][23]
↑O'Brien, Kathleen (September 20, 2023). "National extremist groups are behind recent attacks in Maine municipal meetings". Bangor Daily News. Retrieved May 31, 2025. The Anti-Defamation League Center on Extremism reported last month that this pattern stems from a few extremist groups that encouraged followers to hijack any public meetings they can find to spread antisemitic, white supremacist and anti-LGBTQ+ narratives. Those extremist groups include the antisemitic Goyim Defense League, the white supremacist White Lives Matter network and the far-right Proud Boys.
In a May podcast, Goyim Defense League leader Jon Minadeo told followers to "Find a city council meeting, bring the [league's] fliers in, talk about Jewish supremacy," ADL reported. Since then, extremists have used public meetings across the country as a forum for spreading hate speech.
↑Ilan Pappé (1999). The Israel/Palestine question. Psychology Press. p.89. ISBN978-0415169479. Whereas the First Aliya established a society based on Jewish supremacy, the Second Aliya's method of colonization was separation from Palestinians.
↑Menchik, Jeremy (August 2024). "Introduction: Symposium on the Jewish Left". Critical Research on Religion. 12 (2): 210–214. doi:10.1177/20503032241269655.
12"Supremacy Unleashed: The Ongoing Erosion of Palestinian Citizenship in Israel." Shira Robinson 2021, The Routledge Handbook of Citizenship in the Middle East and North Africa
↑Saïd, Ibrahim L. (1 October 2020). "Some are more equal than others: Palestinian citizens in the settler colonial Jewish State". Settler Colonial Studies. 10 (4): 481–507. doi:10.1080/2201473X.2020.1794210.