Israel
Since the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel has occupied the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. During this period, Israel has frequently been accused of imposing collective punishment on Palestinian civilians. Allegations include but are not limited to: the land and sea blockades of Gaza, bombing an individual house when they go home and their entire family is there and killed,[14] the destruction of homes belonging to the families of Palestinians who have attacked Israeli military personnel or civilians, and withholding the bodies of militants.[15]
International law grants an occupying power the authority to maintain public order but requires that this authority be balanced against the rights of the civilian population. Israel disputes the accusations of collective punishment, arguing that the measures in question are justified by their security needs, terrorism prevention, or are based on laws that were in effect in the Occupied Palestinian Territories before the occupation began. However, from an international law perspective, these arguments do not negate the possibility that these actions could constitute collective punishment.[15]
Both international and domestic Israeli law prohibit collective punishment. However, the Israeli High Court of Justice applies a domestic test of proportionality and often avoids addressing the customary international prohibition on collective punishment as outlined in Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. Israel maintains that its actions do not constitute collective punishment but rather are legal security measures taken in self-defense.[16]
The benchmark for determining collective punishment in international law is the penalization of individuals for actions in which they bear no individual responsibility. While Israel contends that its measures are solely security-driven, the international community has expressed concerns over whether this justification truly holds.[17]
Regardless of Israel's legal position, all forms of collective punishment are prohibited under international humanitarian law and if carried out, infringe upon a range of human rights, including the right to equal protection under the law and the presumption of innocence. Furthermore, practices such as residency revocation may violate the prohibition on forcible transfers under Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.[16]
Deportations of family members
In November 2024, Israel’s parliament passed a law allowing the deportation of family members of Palestinians involved in attacks, including those who are Israeli citizens, to the Gaza Strip or other locations. The law targets Palestinian citizens of Israel and residents of annexed East Jerusalem who either knew about the attacks in advance or expressed support for them. Those affected face deportation for a period ranging from 7 to 20 years.[18]
Eran Shamir-Borer, a senior researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute and former international law expert for the Israeli military, argued that the law could be viewed as both discriminatory and a form of collective punishment, as it seemingly applies only to Arab citizens and residents, rather than to the families of Jewish individuals convicted under anti-terrorism laws.[18]
The policy of deportation is not without precedent. In July 2002, Israel forcibly expelled two Palestinians from the West Bank to the Gaza Strip, marking the first instance in which Israel deported relatives of militants from their home areas. The two individuals, Intisar and Kifah Ajouri, were siblings of Ali Ajouri, whom Israel accused of sending two suicide bombers to Tel Aviv earlier that month. Acting under a Supreme Court ruling that permitted the expulsion of relatives of attackers if they were deemed to pose a security threat, Israeli forces blindfolded the siblings, transported them in armored vehicles, and left them in a deserted agricultural area in Gaza. The expulsions were condemned by Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat as a "crime against humanity" that violated human rights and international law. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan's spokesperson also criticized the action, emphasizing that such transfers are prohibited under international humanitarian law and could have serious political and security consequences. Israel's military, however, maintained that the threat of sanctions against the families of suspected militants serves as a powerful deterrent.[19]
Punitive house demolitions
The policy of punitive house demolitions in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been widely criticized and thoroughly explored in academic literature. This policy allows military commanders to destroy the homes of relatives of Palestinians who have harmed or attempted to harm Israeli security personnel or civilians. Palestinian homeowners do not have the right to a hearing or an opportunity to appeal before their homes are destroyed.[17] House demolitions have been ongoing since 1967 and have been denounced as a form of collective punishment by prominent Israeli scholars, international organizations such as the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and even by some Israeli Supreme Court judges in dissenting opinions. In response to this criticism and concerns about its effectiveness, the Israeli military imposed a moratorium on the practice in 2005, though it was reintroduced in 2014. The policy has even been applied in cases where the alleged perpetrator was already deceased.[15]
Leading figures such as Professor Mordechai Kremnitzer of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem have described the policy as "unjust and inhuman," while the United Nations considers it incompatible with Israel’s obligations under Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which prohibits all forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. Israeli Supreme Court Justice Karra has also noted that the policy "inflicts severe harm on innocent people."[15]
In 1979, the Supreme Court of Israel, sitting as the High Court of Justice, issued its first ruling on the military commander’s authority to punitively demolish or seal homes. In this and subsequent rulings, the Court adopted three key principles: first, that Article 119 — which permits military commanders to demolish homes as a punitive measure — did not violate the Fourth Geneva Convention, as "local law" took precedence over the laws of occupation; second, that punitive home demolition did not constitute collective punishment; and third, that the military’s rationale for the demolitions — as a "punitive measure" intended to deter similar acts — was valid.[20]
A 2020 report by the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories stated that Israel had demolished or sealed approximately 2,000 Palestinian homes since the occupation began. These demolitions have targeted not only the homes of alleged perpetrators but also those of their immediate family members or relatives, even when the families had no proven involvement in the offense. In many cases, the homes were not even linked to the commission of the purported act.[20]
The practice of punitive demolitions has never been applied to Israeli settlers or their families, even when they have committed indiscriminate acts of violence against Palestinians, despite criminal convictions in a court of law for some of these acts.[20]
Withholding of human remains
Israel has been accused of engaging in kin punishment by withholding the bodies of deceased Palestinian militants in circumstances where the practice is intended to pressure, intimidate, or punish their relatives. According to legal scholars and international bodies, such measures may constitute collective punishment under Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention when they deliberately affect family members who have committed no crime or pose no security threat. International humanitarian law requires parties to an armed conflict to facilitate the return of human remains to the next of kin and to ensure burial in a dignified manner consistent with religious rites. Human rights bodies have further held that withholding remains can interfere with the rights of relatives to family life and freedom of religion, particularly where families are prevented from conducting burial ceremonies or grieving according to their beliefs.[15]
Revocation of work permits
In 2018, B'Tselem reported that Israel revoked work permits from hundreds of Palestinians not accused of any wrongdoing, solely due to their familial or surname association with individuals who had carried out attacks. Maj.-Gen. Yoav Mordechai described the policy as targeting the "kin of the terrorists", and in several cases permits were withdrawn from extended family members or from people sharing the same family name, without any claim of personal involvement or knowledge of the attacks. According to B'Tselem, the measure was intended to deter future attacks by imposing economic hardship on relatives, making family affiliation itself the basis for the sanction.[21]
Denial of visits to jailed relatives
In 2009, Israel’s Supreme Court affirmed a government ruling that prohibits Gaza Strip residents from visiting family members in Israeli prisons, stating that such visits do not constitute a "basic humanitarian need." Human rights organizations condemned the ruling, arguing that it infringed not only on the rights of Gazans but also on those of the prisoners themselves.[22]